Last Wednesday afternoon, Christian Wakeford crossed the house floor and defected from the Conservatives to the Labour party. Coming in the midst of the ‘partygate’ allegations, the Bury South MP cited a crisis of conscience over the affair as the reason for his defection. A more cynical interpretation of his decision, however, might conclude that his formerly red wall marginal constituency would be easy pickings for Labour at the next general election and that, with public support of this government and Prime Minister at an all time low, this was his opportunity to jump ship.
Far from limited to a crossing of the house floor, Wakeford’s face-saving exercises, whether intended as such or not, have extended to an accusation of blackmail against former education secretary Gavin Williamson. Delivered along with accusations of blackmail within the Tory party from a number of other MPs, Wakeford’s recent activities point to the dysfunctionality which, despite haunting Boris Johnson’s government from its inception, are now threatening its ability to govern.
In naming Gavin Williamson, Wakeford has implicated a politician whose error prone tenure has encapsulated the headline generating nature of this cabinet better than anyone else. Wakeford claimed that Williamson threatened to withdraw funding for a new school in Bury if he voted for a motion which criticised the government’s stance on free school meals. This accusation not only entails a troubling degree of moral vacancy, but showcases the turbulent dynamics of the parliamentary Tory party.
The same can be said of the other allegations which have recently emerged from within the party. According to the chair of the Commons standard committee, about a dozen Tory MPs have made allegations of blackmail, following William Wragg’s initial claim that No. 10 were threatening MPs who were attempting to oust Johnson. The assertion, currently undergoing investigation, suggests that the use of blackmail which Christian Wakeford alluded to is deeply embedded in the functionality of the party.
The stream of such accusations is showing no signs of slowing down. Earlier today, Conservative MP Nusrat Ghani has alleged that she was sacked from a ministerial position due to concerns over her Muslim faith held by other cabinet members. While this is primarily an indication of the underlying issue of racism within the party, the timing of this claim, amidst those levelled by Wakeford and Wragg, helps to depict a party whose tenuous functionality is publicly unravelling. Ghani evidently feels that now, as the apparent modus operandi of coercion is under scrutiny, is the time to reveal the details of an episode which occurred two years ago.
Indeed, the fact that these claims are appearing contemporaneously will concern the government far more than the content of the allegations. For as callous as the alleged culture of blackmailing MPs may appear, it is not a recent phenomenon. In 1995, former MP Tim Fortescue alleged that a so-called ‘dirt book’ containing a catalogue of damning, sometimes incriminating, information on all Conservative MPs resided in the whip’s office. The purpose of this book was to provide leverage for the whip to ensure the support of all MPs when attempting to pass legislation, by means of blackmail.
Similarly, the disjointed and divided makeup of the Conservatives which Wakeford’s defection demonstrates is nothing new. While Johnson’s reign as party leader has been defined by a chaos hitherto unseen, the party’s ruptures predate the Etonion’s leadership. Theresa May’s tenure was dominated by the issue of Brexit, one which bitterly divided the Conservatives. This would eventually lead to her expulsion as Prime Minister following an enormous rebellion over her Brexit deal. Since the days of David Cameron, the Tories have consistently pulled in different directions, making the question as to whether it is in fact possible to manage them effectively a valid one.
In any case, neither May nor Johnson have succeeded in developing a formula to do so. If the allegations made by Christian Wakeford et al are to be believed, a culture of coercion may well have been instrumental to achieving any semblance of cohesion among the rank and file of the parliamentary party.
For this reason, the public revelation of such practice, along with the investigations currently taking place, have much wider implications than damaging their already withered public support. This issue could disrupt the threadbare functionality of this government even further. Their ability to pass through legislation and operate with some semblance of normality would be threatened if public attention curtailed their blackmailing practice.
Without the threat of repercussion, MPs would have greater freedom, speaking out openly as Ghani recently felt emboldened to do. Likewise, the possibility of more defections would grow stronger yet, as MPs could serve their own ideals, or interests, by simply leaving the party.
The divisions of the Tory party show no signs of healing, and Christian Wakeford’s decision to cross the floor could well embody a growing trend amongst his former party’s MPs.